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World War II is the major historical event of the last century that still resonates with Russians' emotions due to the enormous sacrifice of the past generation and the main victory over Nazism it achieved. This article outlines the ways and steps made by the current political regime in Russia to appropriate War memory for its political purposes. It demonstrates how and for what reasons Putin's propaganda went from the corrections of the war narrative to the retrenchment at the Soviet-time positions in the history wars with Russia's neighbors, and lists the legislative measures restricting alternative visions of the history of the war. The article also analyses the negative impact of this historical politics on the Russian academia and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can the loss of connection with history be experienced and expressed? The relationship with the past is difficult to capture and describe, although at some historic moments the emotional connection with the past becomes pivotal. This article introduces the debates on loss and cultivating the sense of losing the past in modernizing Russia in the late 19th - early 20th century. It contributes to the history of emotions, analyzing the discourse on the disappearance of Russian cultural history cultivated by intellectual and artistic circles around the journals Mir Iskusstva, Starye Gody and Iskusstvo in the late Russian Empire, and tracing distinct voices that problematized the relation to earlier times in Russia and promoted the preservation of Russian cultural and historical monuments. The article concludes that the discourse of losing the connection with Russia's own past played an important role in forming the discourse and practices of Russian heritage preservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article approaches the ample Tsarist campaign diary (1,300 folios), describing Moldavia and Wallachia's 1848-1850 military occupation by the Russian 5th army corps led by general commander Alexander Nikolaevich Lüders, and the protecting power's armed interventions in Transylvania (1849). The echoes of this long military campaign were feebler at that time, than those of the muchclamored Russian campaign in Hungary (June-August 1849). Ignored so far by the Russian and Romanian historiographies (even if for different reasons), the 1848-1850 occupation of the Romanian Lands is minutely related by an unknown source, recently discovered in the Russian State Military-Historical Archive in Moscow and edited by us. Also analyzed the difficult conditions of access in the War Archive of the former Tsarist Empire, today Eastern Europe's largest military archive of medieval and modern history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NATO's 1999 Kosovo campaign was a pivotal moment in Russia's worldview and its post–Cold War evolution, prompting an enduring period of estrangement and alienation from the West. It has had a profound and lasting impact on Russian policy and strategic thought vis-à-vis the international system and the use of force, as well as the balance of power amongst different sections of the country's foreign policy elite. This article focuses on the enduring consequences of NATO's intervention for relations between Russia and the West, as well as on how the operation has shaped Russian strategic thought and its views on the character of conflict in the twenty-first century. It explores three themes that emerged in the wake of Operation Allied Force: questions over European security, specifically how it is provided and by whom, as well as Russia's role; challenges to the existing liberal international order and the norms underpinning it; and the evolution of Russian military thought and defense policy post-1999. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of College of Education / Wasit is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Linguistica Uralica is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines typical features of images and themes of the past as they appear in contemporary Russian art, within the context of the presentist regime of historicism and as a part of public history. This research focuses on the works by Mikhail Pavlyukevich and Olga Subbotina, as well as Chaim Sokol, all of them the artists for whom image of the present is determined by the experience of the past as an incomplete process. The analysis focuses on the factors that ground this important place that the past occupies within the space of contemporary art practices. The article explores intersections between history in public space and contemporary art. The author argues that the development of public history rooted in participatory culture, as well as de-monopolisation of expert knowledge and non-academic languages constituting the discourse on the past, shares similarities with many characteristics of contemporary art practices. In these practices the public actively participates in the artistic processes, an artist loses their status as a demiurge, while site-specific character of artistic projects necessarily rests upon the exlporation of the history of place and the immersion in memory. A palimpsest, in which inseparable interpenetrating layers of the past appear through one another, becomes a metaphor both of public history and of one of the trends in contemporary art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so-called ’retromania’ in contemporary Russian culture includes a whole range of topics, such as bioenergetics and extrasensory or paranormal powers, which for a long time existed in the ’shadow’ of popular culture. This article focuses on one of the recent Russian TV shows called ’The Others’ (Drugie) directed by Olga Dobrova-Kulikova and shown on Channel One in January 2019. This TV series tells the story of people with paranormal abilities or psychic powers in the context of Russia’s contemporary history. The topic of ’the others’ in the series interlaces with another, equally underexplored topic – that of the Russian history in the second half of the twentieth and the early twenty-first century, including the post-Stalin period, Khrushchev Thaw, Brezhnev era, Perestroika and the post-Soviet period. At the core of the film’s plot lies the story of one family, more specifically, three generations of women. Thus, the progress of historical time in this TV series goes through the following three stages: the difficult and painful process of eradicating Stalin’s totalitarianism, which became fully possible only with the change of generations; the rough 1990s, which ended with the establishment of the rule of law and life going back to normal; the uncertain 2000s, when people had to balance between the law and criminality while striving to maintain the facade of normality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 2010s, large exhibitions of Russian realist art have enjoyed significant, nationwide success. This article explores the concept of Russian realism, relating it to the concept of culture as heritage, actively exploited in state rhetoric. The popularity of Russian realism is analyzed in the context of the conservative turn in Russian art. The analysis relies on curators’ texts, press-releases, comments and feedback of museum visitors, and articles written by art critics. The article sheds light on the ideological resources of art in its traditional formats and compares the three versions of realist discourse: critical realism of the nineteenth century, socialist realism of the mid-twentieth century and contemporary realism. This work demonstrates that the contemporary discourse of realism appropriates the symbolic capital of the Russian classical heritage by emphasizing the continuity of the realist tradition in contemporary art, which unreflectively uses traditional forms. Thus, realist art provides a way to conceal the clashes and ruptures in Russian national history and to maintain and to invigorate the illusion of national unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reverse processes in the public socio-cultural life of modern Russia are associated with the revival of a number of contradictory past values: the Soviet society ideals (the social experiment of building socialism ended twenty years ago, and before that it lasted more than 70 years); religious Orthodox revival (focused on the values of pre-revolutionary Russia before 1917); the development of traditional folk culture (transferring the value horizon into pre-Christian Slavic culture). The purpose of the article is to show how historical memory "lives" in the collective consciousness of modern Russians, how the archaization processes of historical memory and memorial practices are implemented at various social levels - from individual families (family memory), lower social cells (the level of municipalities, local clubs, schools), to federal school textbooks and national holidays. And turning to the analysis of Russian reality through the approaches of "memory studies" can have serious heuristic potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of College of Languages is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tracing the emergence of the Russian Far East as a new region of the Russian Empire, revolutionary Russia, and the Soviet Union through regionalist and imperialist discourses and policies, this article briefly discusses Russian expansion in the Pacific littoral, outlines the history of regionalism in North Asia during the revolutionary and early Soviet periods, and focuses on the activities of the Far Eastern Council of People’s Commissars (Dal΄sovnarkom), the Far Eastern Republic (FER), and the Far Eastern Revolutionary Committee (Dal΄revkom). Inspired by Siberian regionalism and other takes on post-imperial decentralization, the Bolshevik Aleksandr Mikhailovich Krasnoshchekov and other regional politicians became the makers of the new region from within. Meanwhile, the legacies of the empire’s expansionism, the Bolshevik “new imperialism” in Asia, and the Japanese military presence in the region during the Russian Civil War accompanied the consolidation of the Russian Far East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Baltico-Slavica is the property of Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of Slavic Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The historical case study of G. Lignana represents a new direction in the developing historical study of relations and cooperation in the fields of culture and academic research between Italian and Russian scholars in the second half of the nineteenth century. The Italian linguist G. Lignana can be considered the forefather of Slavic studies at a university level in post-unification Italy. This article attempts to examine Lignana's close relationship with representatives of the Imperial Academy of Science and two of the most important scholars of the nineteenth century: F.I. Buslaev and Ja.K. Grot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article Vasilenko's novel The Little Fool is analysed in order to highlight the ways the author created the hybrid genre of the "novel-hagiography" by re-visioning a series of classical, biblical and folk myths. The novel has a frame-like structure and the main character of the novel has two hypostases in two different timelines: Nad'ka in the early Sixties and Ganna in the early Thirties, both in the Soviet Union. The core of the novel re-visions and recreates the figure of the 'Fool in Christ' by assigning this role to a female protagonist, the thirteen-year-old girl Ganna. Her double, Nad'ka, merges the figures of the archetypal Great Mother and the Mother of Christ. At the end of the novel Nad'ka gives birth to a new Sun thereby saving her people from the menace of a nuclear war. This novel is a fine example of the neo-mythological conscience which, in the late twentieth century, found expression in the works of many Russian women writers who reworked classical and folk myths, giving agency to female characters and astutely altering the traditional plots of myth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study describes the concepts of Russian national identity and Russian history that are presented in current Russian children's books on history. The analysis allowed for the formulation of the semantic profiles of "Russia", "Russian Empire", "Soviet Union", "Great Patriotic War" and "Russian people". These concepts include key aspects of Russian national identity and history. A comparison with Soviet and post-Soviet textbooks has demonstrated that current concepts are directly related to those of the Soviet and post-Soviet period. Russian history is told as linear and harmonious, practically inevitable in its course. It ranges from the Kievan Rus to the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union to today's Russia. Russia, the Russian nation with the tsar at its center, embodies a beautiful world. The children's books narrate in simple and clear form the myth of the distinctiveness of the Russian nation and its historical path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Stratum Plus Journal is the property of P.P. Stratum plus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines efforts to manage information in wartime Russia, with particular emphasis on revolutionary 1917. The author's approach is informed by that of Western scholars, particularly Peter Holquist, using the term "surveillance" to discuss the modern state's effort to mobilize its citizenry through information: gathering information about the population and enlightening the population through control of information. In 1917, the absence of civilian censorship aided the new authorities in learning much from the press, but the proliferation of press organs and worsening attitudes towards the war complicated their efforts to use the press to positively shape public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines Russian governmental efforts to positively shape public opinion in the United States towards the Russian war effort. In late 1916, a small information service, the Nord-Ziud Agency, was established in New York with the task of influencing press coverage by supplying American publications with interesting and favorable information about Russia and its army. However, meager financial support, the unwillingness of the military authorities to frankly share information, and their failure to understand what would interest American readers all undercut this novel propaganda effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines wartime efforts by the Russian civil and military authorities to shape public opinion, both at home and abroad, through investigating and publicizing enemy atrocities committed against Russians. An extraordinary investigative commission established in 1915, along the lines of Britain's Bryce Commission, looked into alleged atrocities against soldiers and civilians as well as crimes against property; chronicled its findings; and publicized them on a wide scale. The ample funding and breadth of this undertaking challenges perceptions of the Tsarist authorities as unable to appreciate the importance of public opinion, even if the results were not always as intended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will address the creation and two-year existence of the so-called ‘Lokot’ Republic’ in Russia between 1941 and 1943. Though fully within German-occupied territory and the rear area of the 2nd Panzer Army, it was afforded a limited degree of self-autonomy that resulted in the creation of a statelet with its own government departments, armed forces, laws, schools, hospitals, and cultural life. The experiment was regarded by its defenders as a preliminary step toward Russian independence in the post-war European ‘New Order’, and today many historians argue that an opportunity existed for the Russian people to overthrow the Stalinist regime with German assistance and replace it with a viable alternative. However, such a view discounts the will of the most important figures in the German political leadership — above all, Adolf Hitler — who were determined to promptly initiate eventual National Socialist aspirations of an empire in the East colonized exclusively by Germans and ‘kindred’ nations. The study findings are based on archival material as well as current Russian and German research on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the 1920s debates about biography in Soviet Russia. In the first section it seeks to explain why biography was an important area of research, of taxonomy and of self-conception, focusing on Semen Vengerov (the 'old guard'), Boris Tomashevskii (the 'taxonomist') and Grigorii Vinokur (the 'linguist'). In the second section, it endeavours to give a sense of what biographies or kinds of biographical writing were being produced in the era, including those by Boris Eikhenbaum (the experimenter), Iurii Tynianov (the novelist) and Valieria Feider (the compiler). In the short final section it offers some suggestions as to what 'worked' and what did not, and shows where biography was headed in Russia in the coming era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the problem of constructing a new cultural identity of the highlanders living in the Terek region during the period of 1860-1917. In this article, the authors proceed from the established ideas in the science that the entire evolution of Russian history is filled with the practice of organizing the coexistence of different cultural identities in their constant interrelated development. The specific historical examples show how the inclusion of the Northern Caucasus in the Russian Empire, the modernization processes experienced by Russia itself during this period, the conscious acceptance of the elements of new consciousness, norms and values by the highlanders, has influenced the rationalization of the culture of the Terek region population. Such factors as kunachestvo, borrowings in the material culture, the provision of highlanders with economic and trade opportunities to work peacefully and provide their families with the results of peaceful work, the integration of highlanders into education and enlightenment on a modern basis have become effective means of creating a mechanism of interpenetration of the highlanders' and Slavic cultures in the region and the formation of a new cultural identity of the North Caucasian highlanders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how the Alash movement, the Kazakh national movement led by Russian-educated Kazakh intellectuals in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century, redefined Kazakh ethnicity into the Kazakh nation. Aimed at modernizing Kazakh society by declaring itself a nation, the movement used the myth of common descent. It is not surprising, then, that the movement took on the name of Alash, a mythical figure believed to have been the father of all three Kazakhzhuz(tribal confederations). This paper examines the discourse around Kazakhness and its distinction from its Muslim neighbors with respect to five factors; the “true” myth of common descent of Kazakhs, Kazakh history as one of common fate, a nomadic way of life, the weak links to Islam among Kazakhs, and, finally, the legitimization of the Alash leaders as the legitimate speakers for the Kazakh nation. This analysis, in turn, may provide a better understanding of the ways in which social and intellectual movements can redefine belonging, depending on historical circumstances and opportunities and constraints in the social sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Katyn Massacre of more than 14,000 Polish officers and intelligentsia by the Soviet Union was one of the worst militaryagainst- military atrocities of modern European warfare. Often overlooked because of the vicious Nazi genocide of Jews during World War II, Katyn deserves more attention from scholars because of Allied support of the Soviets to keep the alliance together during the war and the classified evidence that ran counter to press coverage. This article uses original sources--English-language press reports and intelligence documents--to better understand what the public was told and what the Allied governments knew about Katyn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I delve into the multifaceted roles and remarkable significance of the Bulgarian left in the Russian Revolutions of 1917 and the tumultuous period that followed. In particular, I look at the ‘special relationship’ of the Bulgarian and Russian left and the concrete ways in which people, materials, and ideas were exchanged via various channels, in particular across the Black Sea. The loyalties, ties, and contributions of the Bulgarian left to the Russian (and global) revolutionary project were considerable and in many respects out of proportion to Bulgaria’s size and international significance. Here I offer a window onto the different ways in which Bulgarians participated in and read the revolution through their own lens, but also reveal the story of the importance of the Bulgarian or, perhaps more accurately, Balkan factor in the series of events in which the Bolsheviks established, consolidated, and spread their power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two sets of regional organizations contribute to the overlapping regionalism in the former Soviet space. On one side we find the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe (COE), whose original ‘Cold War agenda’ was to enhance the political dialogue across the East–West divide in Europe. On the other side is a kaleidoscopic group of organizations which have been established in the framework of (re-)emerging ambitions of regional leadership, if not hegemony, whose creation has been often interpreted in ‘reactive’ terms, to counterbalance Western influences and projects in the Eurasian geopolitical theatre. The article aims at conceptualizing these regional overlaps, focusing on drivers and effects in terms of regional governance in the post-Soviet region. The authors investigate the similarities and contradictions among four organizations (OSCE, COE, Commonwealth of Independent States and Shanghai Cooperation Organization) from the two different organizational sets, regarding leading norms and policies that address both human and security dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Soon after the breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991, a civil war started in Tajikistan (1992–97). This was also the period when a number of international organizations arrived in the country to distribute humanitarian assistance and assist in conflict resolution and stabilization. After the UN, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) was the second key organization which appeared in the conflict-stricken country. Like other key international organizations in Tajikistan, the OSCE, which has been in the country since 1994, has seen a shift in its original functions of monitoring and emergency assistance. Some see its avowed objectives in the new century as formalistic, virtual and ineffective. By capturing perceptions of foreign assistance to Tajikistan among employees of the OSCE and other international organizations, NGO workers, government officials and ordinary citizens, this article explores how Tajikistan ‘socialized’ the OSCE, making the organization simultaneously a benefactor, an industry and even an intruder. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various articles on the 1917 Russian Revolution including its impact on the country's development, the relationship between the revolution and Russian history and the struggle between the old and new culture in after the revolution.

This article considers revolution as a political clash and revolutionism as an aesthetic position, which is a topic inspired by the philosophical, social, and aesthetic experience of the twentieth century. This topic has been considered on the eve of the 100-year anniversary of the October Revolution. The author proceeds from the claim that one of the theatrical geniuses, Vsevolod E. Meyerhold, was, above all, a man of politics, while the other, Yevgeny B. Vakhtangov, was first and foremost a man of art. The revolutionary pathos of Vakhtangov’s work is paradoxically actualized through the concept of myth and compassion as an alternative to cruelty and destruction. The personality of Meyerhold is described within the context of the revolutionary scene and in the unique mode of revolutionary nature and action. The experience of these theatrical geniuses in all their personal contradictions and artistic difference shows that it is possible to live during a time of revolution, but it is impossible to live in a constant state of revolution. Only creativity, as a source of hope and harmony, is an alternative to chaos and destruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian Revolution of 1917 went down in history as yet another classic example (after the French Revolution) of the general logic of the unfolding of the revolutionary process, starting with the proclamation of liberty and equality (in February) and ending with one-party dictatorship and terror (in October). The present article argues that the common cause of all revolutions is the absence of a legal and legitimate means of obtaining power by the political opposition. This forces the opposition to resort to force, even armed methods of capturing power, which in turn generates a new cycle of violence, sometimes exceeding the previous one. The only alternative to this development of events is the democratic procedure of free elections, which allows those fighting for power to shift from an illegal to a legal opposition, and thereby transform themselves fromprofessional revolutionariesintoprofessional politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Russia, the beginning of the twentieth century was a step into Modernity, into that pan-European new time that in the seventeenth century heralded a permanent social change, which has defined our entire epoch up to the present day—it was a time of transformation, war, and revolution.1A concept of “revolution” that emerged within theology marked a global shift toward modernization, which defines Modernity even in those moments when there is a fallback to the preceding tradition, the meaning of which is lost. Thus, the current break with the objectives of the 1917 revolution does not correspond with the illusion of a return to old values. The idea of the redesign of traditions and their introduction into the past is a truly new thing, for no other time dared to change the past in the name of state interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-evaluates the strategic importance of the Russo-Ottoman conflict in tsarist Russia’s Great War between 1914 and the February Revolution, and by extension in the First World War as a whole. Encompassing the Ottoman closure of the Turkish Straits from 1914 and the associated Gallipoli campaign of 1915–16, it argues that this conflict broadly defined had a crippling impact on the logistics of tsarist Russia’s entire war effort that was out of all proportion to the perception of it as a sideshow. These problems and their impacts are identified and assessed through an analysis of the principal Russian railway traffic flows that were associated directly with the Russo-Ottoman conflict. Archival data are used to help inform a brief counterfactual discussion of how the removal of these problems through an Allied victory in the Gallipoli campaign or a separate peace with the Ottoman Empire would have created important opportunities to ease the pressure on the Russian railways substantially. In reality, the Russo-Ottoman war continued to disrupt the transport system, severely harming the war economy and thus helping to make more likely the implosion of the tsarist war effort that ultimately occurred in the form of the February Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1917, Chernov intended to introduce a revolutionary land law proposal for the Constituent Assembly. As a corollary measure, he argued for a proposal to suspend all transactions on land backdated to 1 March 1917. Accordingly, Chernov strongly argued for the rapid convocation of the Constituent Assembly to be convened in late September or early October. During July Crisis, he got cabinet approval for his schedule. Chernov's plan was thwarted by the Kadets who in the Second Coalition successfully demanded the prolongation by eight weeks of the election and the convocation of the Assembly. Chernov's political position was also weakened by the disintegration within the SR party that during the summer of 1917, divided the party into three factions. The Kornilov episode ended Chernov's ministerial career. In Bolshevik Russia, Chernov was a still a credible alternative to Lenin. Chernov got majority in the Second Congress of the Peasant Soviet between 26 November and 2 December. The SR party also received majority in the elections to the Constituent Assembly. In January 5, 1918, Chernov introduced the first ten paragraphs of the SR land law in the only session of the Assembly; the entire law proposal only emerged from the archives after the dissolution of the USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay analyzes iremember.ru– an open-access oral history collection containing more than 2,500 interviews with Soviet veterans of the Second World War. Launched in 2000 as a small grassroots project, it soon received state backing and grew into a vital element of Russia's contemporary memory landscape. The essay examines the origins of this project and its value as a historical source; just as well, it explores its evolution and the curious role it plays in contemporary Russian memorial culture. Bringing together history, memory studies, and the study of contemporary politics,the essay argues that iremember.ru provides important insights into both the Soviet experience of the Second World War and the forces that shape political discourse in Russia today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to examine the role of the new Russian ruling power as it related to cultural policy in the Baltic provinces between the Great Northern War (1700-1721) and the Russian Revolution (1917), in order to engender a discussion about the Russian influence in Estonia's architectural history - its content and meaning - based on primary sources in the archives of Estonia, St Petersburg and Moscow. The historiography of this topic dates back nearly a century; as a neighbouring country and an important centre of political power and culture, the influence of St Petersburg as the main Russian metropolis has been always been taken into consideration and studied in the history of Estonian art history. The articles by Sergey Androsov and Georgy Smirnov that appear in this volume have provided the inspiration to try and re-examine the entire spectrum of Estonia's position between East and West, and to point out the main subjects in this new context and the relationship to the new geography of architecture in the Age of Enlightenment and the stylistic changes of the 19th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the revival and development of a "national style" in Russian civilian and military dress from the 1880s to the period of World War I. The Slavophile movement [ slavianophilstvo ] and the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 played a large part in the Russian style revival during the reign of Tsar Alexander III. The idea of a national style was a source of inspiration for the Tsar when he ordered the introduction of new army outfits based on peasant dress. This policy also served to represent the Tsar visually as a skazochnyi silach-bogatyr [mighty fairytale bogatyr]—symbol of a new and powerful Russia. This article analyzes ways in which Russian civilian dress changed under the influence of the Russian-style military outfits of Alexander III's army. It then examines the impact of the later "Neo-Russian" style on costume from nineteenth-century Russian operas, to the All-Russian Art and Industry exhibitions of the 1880s, to the boutiques for national dress which opened in Russia during this period. The second part of the article focuses on the later evolution of the national style in civilian dress during the reign of Tsar Nicholas II. It analyzes examples of early designs for reformed military outfits that were based on Russian folklore traditions. Although these were not actually manufactured, they were much discussed, and influenced the growth of public interest in Russian costume of the seventeenth century. Finally, this article argues that a new wave of popularity of a style in dress that was inspired by Russian folklore was connected with the beginning of World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]